To speak of urban democracy today may seem almost anachronistic: a nostalgic legacy of a reformist past that no longer exists. In recent years, a belief has become increasingly widespread - as deeply rooted as it is misleading - that regulations, environmental and social impact assessments, and transparency in decision-making processes constitute obstacles to urban growth. According to this view, major urban transformations, requiring powerful actors and rapid implementation, can dispense with participatory processes and disregard potential local conflicts. This conviction has gradually permeated both the language through which cities are discussed and the ways in which urban action itself is conceived. The rhetoric of development and growth at all costs has increasingly come to equate urban progress with attractiveness and competitiveness, transforming the city into a platform for investment - and often for the extraction of value for the benefit of a few - rather than a community in which to live and an ecosystem to be nurtured. Yet when development is understood solely in terms of profit, while social justice, territorial equity, and ecological sustainability are neglected, the result is a general impoverishment. Several Italian cities clearly illustrate this process. Milan, once celebrated as a symbol of dynamism and modernisation, has become increasingly inhospitable to those without substantial financial resources, offering limited prospects to students, young professionals, teachers, nurses, and service-sector workers. Similar dynamics can be observed in Florence and Venice, dominated by the pressures of tourism; in Rome, strained by major infrastructure projects and tourism; and in Bologna and Naples, caught between property speculation and new forms of housing insecurity. Despite their differences, the same paradox recurs: cities become increasingly attractive while growing ever more difficult to inhabit for the people who actually live in them. Democratic procedures established by planning regulations - including implementation plans, ex ante assessments, and consultation processes - have progressively been marginalised and treated as bureaucratic obstacles to be circumvented. As a result, the role of regulation itself has been weakened, despite its fundamental purpose of ensuring high-quality urban transformations and generating public value through development contributions, widely accessible services, and inclusive public spaces.
Parlare di democrazia urbana oggi sembra quasi anacronistico. Un nostalgico retaggio di un passato riformista che non esiste più. Negli ultimi anni si è infatti diffusa la convinzione – tanto radicata quanto fuorviante – che regolazioni, valutazioni d’impatto ambientale e sociale, trasparenza dei processi siano ostacoli alla crescita urbana. Le grandi trasformazioni, richiedendo attori potenti e tempi rapidi, possono prescindere da processi condivisi e da possibili confl itti locali. Questa convinzione è entrata nel modo di parlare di città e di pensare l’azione sulla città. La retorica dello sviluppo, della crescita a ogni costo, è stata progressivamente ridotta a sinonimo di attrattività e competitività, trasformando la città in una piattaforma di investimento, e spesso di estrazione di valore per pochi, invece che in una comunità di vita, in un ecosistema da vitalizzare. Ma quando lo sviluppo è declinato solo in termini di profi tto, trascurando giustizia sociale, equità territoriale e sostenibilità ecologica, il risultato è un impoverimento generale. Alcune città italiane lo mostrano con chiarezza: Milano, divenuta simbolo di dinamismo e modernizzazione, è oggi inospitale per chi non dispone di grandi capitali, incapace di offrire prospettive a studenti, giovani professionisti, insegnanti, infermieri e lavoratori dei 'Vita e Pensiero' 50 2025 51 'VITA E PENSIERO' 52 Elena Granata servizi. Ma la stessa dinamica attraversa Firenze e Venezia, dominate dalla pressione turistica, Roma, affaticata da grandi opere e turismo, Bologna e Napoli, strette tra rendita e nuova precarietà abitativa. In forme diverse, il paradosso si ripete: le città crescono in attrattività, ma diventano difficili da vivere per i cittadini che le abitano. I percorsi democratici previsti dalle norme urbanistiche (piani attuativi, valutazioni preventive, processi di consultazione) sono stati progressivamente marginalizzati, percepiti come rallentamenti burocratici da aggirare. Si è così indebolita la funzione delle regole, che dovrebbero garantire trasformazioni di qualità, assicurando valore pubblico attraverso oneri di urbanizzazione, servizi diffusi e spazi accessibili.
Metropoli italiane, è l’ora della democrazia urbana
Elena Granata
2025-01-01
Abstract
To speak of urban democracy today may seem almost anachronistic: a nostalgic legacy of a reformist past that no longer exists. In recent years, a belief has become increasingly widespread - as deeply rooted as it is misleading - that regulations, environmental and social impact assessments, and transparency in decision-making processes constitute obstacles to urban growth. According to this view, major urban transformations, requiring powerful actors and rapid implementation, can dispense with participatory processes and disregard potential local conflicts. This conviction has gradually permeated both the language through which cities are discussed and the ways in which urban action itself is conceived. The rhetoric of development and growth at all costs has increasingly come to equate urban progress with attractiveness and competitiveness, transforming the city into a platform for investment - and often for the extraction of value for the benefit of a few - rather than a community in which to live and an ecosystem to be nurtured. Yet when development is understood solely in terms of profit, while social justice, territorial equity, and ecological sustainability are neglected, the result is a general impoverishment. Several Italian cities clearly illustrate this process. Milan, once celebrated as a symbol of dynamism and modernisation, has become increasingly inhospitable to those without substantial financial resources, offering limited prospects to students, young professionals, teachers, nurses, and service-sector workers. Similar dynamics can be observed in Florence and Venice, dominated by the pressures of tourism; in Rome, strained by major infrastructure projects and tourism; and in Bologna and Naples, caught between property speculation and new forms of housing insecurity. Despite their differences, the same paradox recurs: cities become increasingly attractive while growing ever more difficult to inhabit for the people who actually live in them. Democratic procedures established by planning regulations - including implementation plans, ex ante assessments, and consultation processes - have progressively been marginalised and treated as bureaucratic obstacles to be circumvented. As a result, the role of regulation itself has been weakened, despite its fundamental purpose of ensuring high-quality urban transformations and generating public value through development contributions, widely accessible services, and inclusive public spaces.| File | Dimensione | Formato | |
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